Bolivia, Japan to the Right, and EU West

In South America, Rodrigo Paz has won the presidency of Bolivia, ending nearly two decades of leftist rule.

In Asia, Sanae Takaichi has become the first woman to serve as prime minister of Japan, heading a new conservative coalition.

In Europe, the European Union has adopted a sweeping plan to phase out all Russian oil and gas imports by January 1, 2028.

At first glance these events might appear disconnected: a Bolivian election, a Japanese leadership change, and an energy policy move by the EU. But when placed side by side, they reveal a common thread: the shifting tectonics of global politics, wherein old alignments—left versus right, state control versus markets, energy dependence versus sovereignty—are being reevaluated.

In this essay I examine each of these developments, trace the deeper patterns that link them, and reflect on what they say about the era ahead.


Bolivia: The Fall of the Left and the Return of the Market

In what is being characterised as a major political shift, Rodrigo Paz captured roughly 54.5 % of the vote in Bolivia’s presidential runoff, defeating Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga and marking the first time in around twenty years that the ruling socialist‐populist party Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) has been removed from the top slot.

Observers emphasise two connected phenomena: voter fatigue with the long-running populist model of MAS, and mounting economic crisis—fuel shortages, high inflation, declining gas output—that damaged the credibility of the previous governments.

What does this mean

Paz’s rise signals more than a change of faces. It implies:

Economic reorientation: Paz is framing his agenda as one of “capitalism for all”, mixing social protections but embracing private-sector growth, foreign investment, and especially a turnaround of Bolivia’s vast lithium reserves.

Foreign policy reset: He has pledged to rebuild relations with the United States, signalling Bolivia’s willingness to emerge from isolation and reengage internationally.

Institutional realignment: The election undercuts the dominance of a single party (MAS) and potentially opens the legislative terrain to coalition politics, reforms, and new balances of power.

The underlying challenge

Yet, the moment is precarious. Bolivia faces deep structural problems: high inflation, dwindling reserves, a break in gas exports, fuel supply bottlenecks, and social unrest.

Paz’s party does not command a legislative majority; his success will depend on coalition-making and whether he can deliver on the promise of change without triggering new turbulence.

He must reconcile his market‐friendly gestures with years of expectations built around MAS’s social agenda, address indigenous rights sensitively (a core part of Bolivia’s political identity), and ensure that reform does not become regression in the eyes of key constituencies.

Strategic implications

For Washington and the broader region, Bolivia offers a potential foothold, economically and geopolitically. For example, the United States has a strategic interest in lithium (essential to electric vehicles and battery storage) and Bolivia holds some of the world’s largest reserves. A political shift opens new opportunities, but also risks. Past relations with the United States were uneasy; the left-wing governments often viewed the U.S. with suspicion. A normative expectation of cooperation will test both sides.
R. Evan Ellis, Phd

In short: Bolivia may be re-emerging from a long ideological cycle, but the transition will not be seamless. What happens there will matter not only locally but as a case study in how the “left‐populist era” in Latin America may be waning.


Japan: A New Face, an Old Guard

On 21 October 2025, Sanae Takaichi became Japan’s first female prime minister, following her election as leader of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), and the formation of a coalition with the Japan Innovation Party (Ishin).

While the symbolic import is undeniable, the substance is more complicated.

A conservative turn

Takaichi is known for her hawkish views on national security, her admiration for former prime minister Shinzo Abe, and her intention to pursue constitutional revision (notably of Article 9, which renounces war).

Domestically she has signalled tighter immigration controls, and while she broke the gender barrier, her early appointments include only two women out of her cabinet, raising questions about how much she intends to advance women’s representation.

The coalition is also fragile. The LDP lacked a firm majority. The former partner Komeito withdrew, forcing Takaichi to turn to Ishin, a deal that granted legitimacy but also exposed vulnerability.

What does this mean

Here are the key dynamics at play:

Geostrategic alignment: Takaichi emphasises the U.S.–Japan alliance and is likely to pursue a more assertive stance vis-à-vis China. For Washington, this is welcome; for Beijing, it may raise tensions.

Domestic continuity with change: The LDP remains in power, but under a new leader who is seen as more ideological and less consensus‐oriented. The question is whether she can deliver on reform while managing internal party backers, the coalition, and public expectations.

Symbolic vs practical: Her status as the first female PM is historic, yet on many issues—gender equality, liberal social policy—her record suggests continuity with conservative norms rather than a break. Her drive appears more about national strength and security than progressive social transformation.

The wider significance

Japan under Takaichi may represent a variant of the global conservative shift: not merely a return of right-wing politics in a conventional sense, but a recalibration of governance around national sovereignty, prioritising defence over liberal expansion, selective global engagement over multilateralism. For Asia, this may signal a harder edge at the heart of a major democratic power.

In short: Japan’s milestone is real, but the deeper story is about how an established centre-right party is repositioning itself in an age of rising geopolitical competition. It is as much strategic as symbolic.


Europe: Energy Independence and the Weakening of Russia’s Leverage

On 20 October 2025, EU energy ministers agreed on a regulation phasing out Russian oil and gas imports by January 1 2028, covering both pipeline gas and LNG.

The decision is framed as a security measure (leaning away from Moscow’s energy leverage) and a climate move (accelerating the transition to renewables and alternate suppliers).

Why this is important

Several layers are at work:

Strategic independence: Europe’s energy dependence on Russia has long been a vulnerability. By committing to an end date and binding regulation, the EU is shifting from contingency to commitment.

Global ripple effects: This move will reshape global energy markets. Russia loses a major client base, new suppliers (U.S., Middle East, Africa) may gain, and the calculus of energy security is rewritten.

Economic and industrial challenge: The transition is costly and risky. Europe must ensure supply stability (especially ahead of winters), manage price shocks, and ramp up investment in alternatives. The pace and sequencing will matter.

Key tensions

While the political signal is strong, the practical path ahead is rocky. Some member states (Hungary, Slovakia) remain resistant and partially exempted.

Certain industries may struggle. The transition may impose short‐term pain even as it promises long‐term gain. And globally, Russia may redirect exports to Asia, altering the balance of power in other regions.

Strategic implications

For Russia, this amounts to a structural blow to its energy diplomacy. For Europe, it signals a readiness to align climate goals with geopolitical strategy. For the United States and other large producers, it offers opportunity. For the global energy system, it sharpens a competitive edge: Those who control supply, infrastructure, and technology in the energy transition will gain influence.

In short: Europe is making a big bet, not on grand narratives but on the hard work of disentangling itself from a deeply embedded dependency. That alone makes this moment consequential.


Linking the Threads: Markets, Nationalism, and Realignment

What unites these three stories? While geographically diverse, they each reflect a broader pattern: a world in which ideological templates of the past (state-led socialism, unipolar liberalism, fossil-fuel inertia) are being challenged and reoriented around pragmatism, sovereignty, and market recalibrations.

Markets over models

Bolivia’s emergence from two decades of left-populist governance signals fatigue with models that emphasised state control, resource nationalism, and ideological baggage. The fact that Paz campaigns on a moderate, investor-friendly agenda, even as he pledges social protections, suggests a hybrid model is gaining traction.

In Japan, Takaichi and the LDP coalition are less about sweeping liberalism and more about pragmatically recalibrating governance: defence, alliance, national interest. The market remains the engine; the state frames the strategy.

In Europe, the energy shift is not ideological in the old sense; it is a structural undertaking shaped by geopolitics, economics, and climate imperatives. The market of energy supply is being rewired, and state policy is catching up.

Sovereignty and realignment

In all three cases the theme of sovereignty is central.

Bolivia is reclaiming its foreign policy orientation, re-engaging with the United States, and opening foreign investment, repositioning its resource relationships.

Japan is reasserting itself: defence, constitutional revision, border controls, alliance posture.

Europe is refusing to remain structurally dependent on Russia, even if the cost is high.

Sovereignty here is not isolationism; it is agency. It is the capacity to set terms of engagement rather than accept them.

Conservative turn, but not “backwards”

It would be a mistake to label all this as simply a return to the right. Rather, it is a recalibration. Bolivia’s new leader is more moderate than raw free-market conservative, and his platform still includes social protections. Japan’s new leader is conservative, but she breaks gender barriers and emphasises security over ideology. Europe’s energy move is not purely conservative—it’s green, strategic, and forward looking.

Instead of left versus right, I would characterise this as a shift from state-centric models to state-smart models, from dependency to agency, from legacy alignments to strategic repositioning.

Risk, timing and coherence

However, these transitions are risky, and timing matters.

Bolivia’s economic crisis is acute; reforms rushed may provoke backlash. Social protection commitments must be honoured or credibility will erode.

Japan’s coalition is fragile; Takaichi will need to deliver quickly or face resistance. Historic symbolism will only carry so far.

Europe might face winters of discontent if supply disruptions or price spikes hit before alternatives scale up. The ambition is clear, but the execution will test political endurance.

In each case, what happens in the next 12–24 months will matter more than the initial headlines.


Practical Insights for the Observer

As one who watches international politics with modest optimism and realist caution, I draw three practical insights from this tri-continental realignment.

Look beyond the party label: What counts now is less whether a government is “left” or “right” and more how it manages partnerships (domestic and international), how fiscally realistic it is, and whether it integrates global realities. Bolivia’s switch, Japan’s first female PM from a conservative party, Europe’s energy decoupling—all show that label alone misleads.

Track coalition and institutional strength: Headlines give leadership changes; the real test is legislative backing, coalition coherence, and institutional capacity to deliver. Takaichi’s lack of majority, Paz’s lack of legislative dominance, Europe’s uneven membership readiness—all are red flags. Bold announcements matter only if mechanisms follow.

Expect transitional turbulence: Whether in Latin America, Asia, or Europe, transitions of this magnitude are seldom smooth. Bolivia might face protests, Japan might see snap elections, and Europe might endure price shocks or supplier gambits from Russia. These are normal. The real question is whether the new orientation persists beyond the short term.


A Reflective Note

In the early 21st century one of the recurring themes has been the rise of populist, state-centred models, whether in Latin America, parts of Europe, or elsewhere. We are now, I believe, entering a phase of adjustment: those models are under strain. At the same time the global architecture that emerged in the post-Cold War era—globalisation, liberal pluralism, energy reliance on big suppliers—is also being reassessed.

What we are seeing in Bolivia, Japan, and Europe is not the end of ideology; rather, it is the rise of a new practical realism. One that asks: What works? Who benefits? How do we integrate global supply chains, climate imperatives, national security, and governance reforms? And how do we do so in a way that retains legitimacy?

For readers in Hiroshima, or indeed anywhere, these shifts matter. They remind us that our local actions are part of global systems. They remind us that energy prices, trade deals, alliances, and reforms in distant capitals will impact us. They remind us also that democratic change matters not only because it is historic but because it sets the parameters of policy that will touch our lives.

Change is under way. But real change is measured not in election nights but in the months and years of policy, delivery, reform, backlash, and adaptation that follow. The three stories here are not endpoints; they are starting lines.

As you watch them unfold, keep both the symbolic and the structural in view. And remember: the world’s shift isn’t always loud; it often begins in the steady recalibration of what we think is fixed.

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